~1998

1999: Jan. - June, July - Dec.

2000: Jan. - Mar. , Apr. - June , July - Sept.

July - Sep. 2000

Taiwan Will Get Missiles If Attacked
(AP, Sept. 30, 2000) A U.S. missile sale to Taiwan includes a highly unusual condition: that they will not be turned over to the island democracy unless China threatens an attack, a senior U.S. defense official said.

US Arms Sales Would Boost Taiwan's Defense Capacity: Analysts
(AFP, Sept. 29, 2000) Taiwanese military analysts said Friday a 1.3 billion dollar arms sales proposed by the Petagon would boost the island's defense capabilities. They said the proposed package had greater political significance than military impact. Defense authorities decline to comment on the deal.

U.S. Security Policy in Asia: Implications for China-U.S. Relations By Wu Xinbo
(Brookings Institution, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, September 2000) Three major factors have constantly troubled Sino-U.S. relations in the post-Cold War era: human rights, trade, and security.

Reunification with Taiwan Secondary Issue for Beijing: Asia Expert
(Central News Agency, Sept. 27, 2000) Even though the Communist Chinese leadership keeps saying that it cannot delay the issue of reunification with Taiwan indefinitely, it is only a secondary priority for Beijing because, in reality, "there are enormous obstacles that will continue to make reunification a very remote possibility," noted an Asia expert from mainland China.

Lee's Cross-Strait Opinions Remain a Contentious Issue By Monique Chu
(Taipei Times, Sept. 24, 2000) Singapore senior minister Lee Kuan Yew's recent remarks on cross-strait relations, for instance, have raised a lot of eyebrows in Taiwan. In an interview with the Far Eastern Economic Review in June, Lee urged Western powers not to encourage Taiwan to think of itself as a separate state because "no Chinese leader can survive if Taiwan is seen to be drifting away under his watch." 

CNN Interviews Taiwan President
(CNA, Sept. 22, 2000) Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian said in an interview with U.S.-based Cable News Network Friday that he has shown "persistence, good will, and responsibility" in dealing with mainland China over the past few months but has never made any concessions to Beijing.

Sovereignty, Intervention, and Peacekeeping: The View from Beijing By Bates Gill and James Reilly
(Survival, Fall 2000) For the Chinese leadership, defense of a "thick" notion of sovereignty serves to enhance its legitimacy, deflect criticism of its domestic policies, and to resist outside involvement in the Taiwan issue. Yet, since the People's Republic initially opened up in the 1970s, China strict sovereign prerogatives have been gradually eroded.

Swap Arms Race for Arms Control By Yuan I 
(Taipei Times, Sept. 21, 2000) Susan Shirk, former US deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and Michel Oksenberg, a senior research fellow at Stanford University's Asia-Pacific Research Center recently co-authored an article for the International Herald Tribune, introducing the concept of arms control into cross-strait relations.

Dreams of 'One China' Clash with Taiwan Realities By Syd Goldsmith
(LA Times, Sept. 20, 2000) Now that the U.S. Senate has passed legislation to permanently normalize trade relations with China, we should ask whether Washington will continue to allow Beijing's bluster over Taiwan to unduly influence U.S. China policy. Supporting Beijing in words and Taiwan in deeds carries considerable potential for U.S. involvement in a future conflict. Mainland positions ensure that China-Taiwan tensions will flare again.

Taiwan Not Ready for New China Ties under WTO
(Reuters, Sept. 20, 2000 ) Taiwan may follow China very quickly into the World Trade Organization, but analysts doubt it is ready to dive into a cross-Strait trade relationship that is likely to accompany that membership.

New Realism Wins the Day as Senate Passes Trade Bill By David E. Sanger
(New York Times, Sept. 19, 2000) The Senate's overwhelming vote today to give permanent trade benefits to China ended a clash between America's global economic interests and the notion that the United States could use the annual threat of trade sanctions to change Beijing's behavior.

Mini Links are a Minor Gesture
(China Post, Sept. 19, 2000) Taiwan has taken a few positive steps toward closer economic links with the mainland, such as legalizing existing trade between the ROC's outlying islets and certain mainland ports. Even though these measures are long overdue and will not be put into effect for a few months yet, they are better than nothing. Will Beijing dance to the music? It is Taipei's turn to "wait and see."

China’s New War Fighting Skills: Emerging threats to the U.S., India, Taiwan and the Asia/Pacific Region By Al Santoli
(An American Foreign Policy Council investigation in Southeast Asia, Aug. 14-26, 2000) The PLA’s modernization and joint war fighting capabilities are developing at a rate far more rapidly than the Pentagon’s previous predictions.  The Nanjing Region exercises have showcased the PLA’s new high-tech capabilities, based on U.S. military tactics with information technology and weapons systems purchased or stolen from the U.S., Russia and Israel. 

Bullied by China
(Washington Post, Sep. 16, 2000) We have favored normal trade relations for China, albeit with strong misgivings, but we think one remaining question deserves attention before senators complete action. Back in 1992 China extracted a deal from President George Bush governing the terms on which Taiwan would be allowed into the GATT, the precursor to the WTO.

Better U.S. Treatment of Taiwan By Stephen J. Yates
(The Heritage Foundation, Executive Memorandum No. 694, Sept. 11, 2000) Taiwan, long a special case when it comes to U.S. foreign policy, deserves better treatment at the hands of the Clinton Administration. Though its government is not officially recognized by the United States, a far-reaching U.S. law--the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act--calls for maintaining extensive legal, commercial, and defense relations with the people of Taiwan.

China Is Invisible Issue in Campaign By Jim Mann
(LA Times, Sept. 13, 2000) The country ought to be having a debate, but instead our political leaders act as though they have all been afflicted by an epidemic of lockjaw. Who can doubt that, a year from now, China will be one of the two or three most vital foreign policy issues the new president and Congress will face?

Look What China Could Do if It Changed Tactics By Michel Oksenberg and Susan Shirk
(International Herald Tribune, Sept. 11, 2000) When Jiang Zemin rose to power in China in 1989, Beijing wanted: to stabilize relations with the United States after the June 4 Tiananmen tragedy, to secure the peaceful return of Hong Kong, to promote Taiwan's reunification with the mainland, to expand China's involvement in the international economy, and to create a more tranquil Asian environment through improved relations with Japan, Russia, divided Korea, India and Southeast Asian nations. 

Former US Official Pessimistic about Progress of Cross-Strait Ties
(Central News Agency, Sept. 11, 2000) In an article published by a provincial US newspaper, Perry said that Beijing and Taiwan not only harbor suspicion toward each other, they have also failed to conduct dialogue to alleviate their mutual suspicion, while at the same time engaging in a dangerous arms race. He noted that interacting with mainland China on the "one China" principle is one of the three pillars of the US strategy toward Asia-Pacific security.

A Matter of Window Dressing By Willy Wo Lap Lam
(South China Morning Post, Sept. 6, 2000) In recent speeches and interviews, top leaders such as Jiang Zemin and Li Peng have played up the human, progressive face of socialism. Talking to CBS last week, President Jiang said he understood the "passion of students who were calling for greater democracy [in 1989]".

Missile Defense Deferral Makes Asia a Safer Place By Tom Plate
(LA Times, Sept. 6, 2000) Give the outgoing president a hand for a domestically risky and internationally astute decision to delay, at least for the rest of his term, a mammoth national missile defense system that neither the United States nor the world needs.

Here's How to Settle Rocky Disputes in the South China Sea By Stein Tonnesson
(International Herald Tribune, Sept. 6, 2000) China's policies in the security field are generally reactive and suspicious. This also characterizes its approach to the South China Sea, although there it now in fact has a diplomatic window of opportunity.

The US' Appalling Appeasement of China By Doug Bandow
(Taipei Times, Sept. 6, 2000) One of the most obvious elements of statehood is the power to determine who visits one's country. China seems to believe that it should make that decision not only for itself, but for other nations as well.

China's Dysfunctional Public Relations Barrage By Orville Schell
(New York Times, Sept. 2, 2000) As Beijing sees it, the reason China's diplomatic and trade relations with the United States don't always go smoothly starts with unfair American press coverage and hostile politicians in Congress. These forces cause Americans to misunderstand China's efforts to keep "the motherland" unified and stable, the thinking goes..

The U.S.-Japan Alliance: Beyond the Guidelines By Mike M. Mochizuki
(Pacific Forum, CSIS, PacNet 35, Sept. 1, 2000) There has long been a fundamental asymmetry between the attention given the U.S.-Japan security alliance in Japan, and the lack of attention given the issue in the United States.  Indeed, there are probably only about 50 people in the United States who really follow the U.S.-Japan security relationship with any level of sophistication. 

Missile Defense Is Elevated as Campaign Issue By Charles Babington
(Washington Post, Sept. 1, 2000) The postponement of a deployment decision for a national missile defense system, announced today by President Clinton, elevates an emotional issue in the presidential campaign just as it enters its most important phase.

Military Official Says Defense Relies on US
(Taipei Times, Sept. 1, 2000) Although Taiwan claims it is capable of defending itself, the military has been relying heavily on the US in crucial areas such as real-time information about Chinese troops, according to recently leaked information from a high-ranking military official.

The 100-Day Itch By Allen T. Chen
(Asiaweek, Sept. 1, 2000) Why Chen Shui-bian's honeymoon as president is over, and what he mu st do to restore credibility. Chen Shui-bian took office just 100 days ago, but his presidential honeymoon is already over. Chen, 49, made history by breaking the Kuomintang's iron grip on the island and propelling his opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to power.

Japan And China Misunderstand Each Other
(Reuters, Aug. 30, 2000) Japanese Foreign Minister Yohei Kono warned on Wednesday of rising distrust between Japan and China because the Asian powers failed to understand each other. He cited China's state media reports which he said wrongly claimed Japan was undergoing a revival of wartime militarism and spoke of "bewilderment" that Tokyo's annual economic aid to China of JPY 30 billion (USD 282 million) was virtually unknown to Chinese.

Taiwan Tensions? Nah, China Towns Can't Wait To Impress
(Dow Jones Newswires, Aug. 30, 2000) Cross-strait tensions could be used to describe the heated competition between Chinese municipalities to attract Taiwanese investment. When Qingdao's city government found out from local media a delegation of Taiwanese high technology businessmen were in China last week, it promptly dispatched an official to travel more than 350 kilometers to track down the group and pitch the port city's case.

All Eyes on Chen over Chairmanship of NUC
(Taipei Times, Aug. 29, 2000) Many are anxious to see if the president will chair the National Unification Council, but analysts say he will have to weigh up which is worse -- whether to accept the backlash from Beijing or face the wrath of the DPP's hardliners. Cross-strait relations have always been a thorny political issue for President Chen Shui-bian, although the "olive branches" he has extended to China since his inauguration may so far have taken out some of the sting.

Japan and the U.S. Send Some Wrong Messages By Ralph A. Cossa
(International Herald Tribune, August 29, 2000) Like President Bill Clinton before him, Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori has just completed a trip to South Asia that has been high on hope and symbolism but disappointingly low on results. Both leaders argued that it was important to engage India and Pakistan to revive the momentum of global nuclear nonproliferation.

The Role of Armed Forces in Regional Security Cooperation By Dennis C. Blair
(Pacific Forum, CSIS, PacNet 34, August 25, 2000) Genuine security within the region will come only when nations share dependable expectations of peaceful change and act in concert to address common challenges.

A Proposal for Taipei and Beijing By Chen-yuan Tung
(Far Eastern Economics Review, Aug. 31, 2000) So why shouldn't Beijing and Taipei consider establishing two "Taiwan Strait Special Economic Zones," or TSSEZs? One could be on the PRC coast (perhaps somewhere between Shanghai and Xiamen) and the other on Taiwan.

Japanese View of Chen's Successes By Masahiro Wakabayashi
(Taipei Times, Aug. 23, 2000) The so-called "Japanese-language speaking generation" who grew up during this era completely withdrew from the political front-line after Lee lost his presidency. With the advent of the new government, Japan-Taiwan relations cannot follow the previous model.

Taiwan Deserves Better By Sam Gejdenson
(Washington Times, Aug. 21, 2000) In these changing times, we in Congress must keep focused on U.S. policy towards Taiwan. We must find ways to reduce the threat of war between Taiwan and the PRC, and in particular, to counteract China's buildup of missiles pointed at Taiwan.

Snubbing Taiwan
(Editorial, Washington Post, Aug. 17, 2000) Chen Shui-bian, the president of Taiwan, has just ended his 15-hour stopover in Southern California. Didn't notice that the newly elected leader of one of Asia's most vibrant democracies was on American soil? Well, you weren't supposed to.

A Missing Compass in the China Connection By James Hackett
(Washington Times, Aug. 17, 2000) As President Clinton was partying with the Hollywood elite at Barbra Streisand's Malibu estate, the president of Taiwan sat in a hotel room a few miles away, treated like a thief in the night. Chen Shui-bian, the opposition leader chosen president of Taiwan in free and democratic elections in March, arrived in Los Angeles on Sunday on his first U.S. visit since his historic election. It was an overnight stop on the way to Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic and Africa, where he is making official visits.

Beijing Looks for a Taiwan Policy By Ralph A. Cossa
(International Herald Tribune, Aug. 17, 2000) As China's leaders discuss policies at the summer resort of Beidaihe, strategy toward Taiwan is high on their agenda. President Jiang Zemin has been criticized openly for mishandling events leading to Chen Shui-bian's election as Taiwan's president.

Japan’s New Eye in the Sky
(STARTFOR, Aug. 15, 2000) Citing concerns about increased piracy in the seas of Southeast Asia, Japan’s Coast Guard plans to request two long-range reconnaissance aircraft, according to Asahi, a Japanese daily. Simply planning to fly patrols so far from home would be a noteworthy step in the development of Japanese forces.

President Comments on Taiwan-US-China Relations
(CNA, Aug. 14, 2000) Republic of China President Chen Shui-bian said on Monday that relations between the ROC and the United States are so close that there is "no distance" between them. Chen made the remarks while meeting Richard Bush, chairman of the American Institute in Taiwan, which represents American interests in Taiwan in the absence of official relations.

Wall Street Shrugs Off China Human Rights Issue
(Reuters, Aug. 11, 2000) With international investors salivating over China ahead of its likely entry into the World Trade Organization, Wall Street has so far shrugged off the government's year-long crackdown on religious freedom. In the era of globalization - when democratization is said to be correlated with market opportunity - China has stepped up its campaign against Christians, Buddhists and people who practice the Falun Gong meditation and exercise system, said the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom.

China's Double Trouble By Tom Plate
(LA Times, Aug. 9, 2000) Beijing is stuck in Taiwan with a leader it can’t handle, and in Hong Kong with a leader who can’t handle the job. Because they trust the latter every bit as much as they distrust the former, the Chinese leadership, ever conservative and cautious, won’t do anything drastic in either case. China will gamble that its problems in Taipei and Hong Kong will go away, even knowing they won't.

Carefully Handle 'Track Two' Efforts By Stephen J. Yates
(Taipei Times, Aug. 5, 2000) Since the election of Chen Shui-bian, an added emphasis seems to have been placed on "track two" diplomacy as a means to address cross-strait difficulties. The most common actors in these meetings are US policy elites, former officials and academics shuttling back and forth between Taipei, Shanghai and Beijing, meeting with relevant government officials in each city. Nevertheless, there are problems with the track two process.

Time for Chat About Taiwan?
(Economist, Aug. 5, 2000) The leaders of China’s Communist Party are packing their over-the-waist black swimming trunks to huddle earlier than usual for their annual summer conclave at the beach resort of Beidaihe. It is there that the really important issues for the coming year will be thrashed out. Not least, the leaders will have to come up with a response to the entirely unexpected: Taiwan’s new president, Chen Shui-bian, once a staunch advocate of the island’s independence, has been only conciliatory towards China since his inauguration in May.

Tsai Urges Close Ties with Mainland China
(United Daily News, Aug. 4, 2000) Speaking at a mainland affairs policy study session for legislative staff yesterday, Mainland Affairs Council Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen stated that the people of Taiwan have only one choice in cross-strait relations, and that is to establish a meaningful political relationship with mainland China.

The Honeymoon Has Been Short for Taiwan's New President By Philip Bowring
(International Herald Tribune, Aug. 3, 2000) It has been a brief honeymoon for Taiwan's new president, Chen Shui-bian, now in his third month in office. He has handled Beijing adroitly but his administration remains bogged down at home - unable to push through promised domestic changes, hemmed in internationally and facing negative sentiment about the economy.

America's Election, and the World By Tom Plate
(LA Times, Aug. 1, 2000) Many Asians might wish they could vote in the U.S. come November, for the election of the next president can affect Asians more directly than who becomes the next head of the United Nations, let’s say, or of the Assn. of Southeast Asian Nations, or even a top official in their own country.

Southeast Asian Perceptions of Major Power Relations in Northeast Asia By Chien-peng Chung
(Pacific Forum, CSIS, PacNet 30, July 28, 2000) While heavily promoting trade and investment and otherwise helping China integrate into the international trading system, several ASEAN states have also offered base facilities and logistic support to American forces, as well as encouraged Japan to complement its economic weight in Southeast Asia by playing a more active role in United Nations peacekeeping or regional attempts to fight piracy, smuggling, or wanton destruction of the environment.

Why Tokyo Will be a Larger Player in Asia By Michael Green
(Foreign Policy Research Institute, July 27, 2000) U.S. policymakers seem to have given up on Japan. Who can take a country seriously when its June 25 elections featured almost no debate on how to revitalize a stagnant economy? When the electorate returned to power one of the most unpopular coalition governments and Prime Ministers in post-war Japanese history?

Now, a Beijing Peace Offensive By Todd Crowell
(Asiaweek, July 28, 2000) The mainland is suddenly speaking softly and wooing Taiwan groups. But Taipei remains suspicious. Beijing is pressing ahead with its charm offensive. Last week, top mainland officials hosted visits from legislators, politicians, businessmen and media leaders from Taiwan. In one session, Qian told his guests that the two sides need not quibble endlessly over the precise definition of "one China."

Southeast Asians Have a Big Stake in Northeastern Stability By Philip Bowring
(International Herald Tribune, July 25, 2000) As the ASEAN 10 sit down with their Regional Forum dialogue partners this week in Bangkok, they could do worse than start by considering the significance of Okinawa, site of the just completed Group of Eight summit conference.

Unnatural Union: The China-Russia Partnership is America's to Make or Break By Greg May and Paul Saunders
(Nixon Center, July 25, 2000) The growth of the Russia-China strategic partnership, first announced in 1996, is a testament to America's talent for simultaneously alienating both Moscow and Beijing. The "Beijing Declaration" signed by Presidents Jiang Zemin and Vladimir Putin July 18 is merely the latest demonstration of the fact that the United States is the primary force driving the two countries together.

G8 Asleep at the Wheel on Taiwan
(Editorial, Taipei Times, July 24, 2000) The G8 summit in Okinawa came to a close yesterday with the announcement of a final communique. Due to the divergent stances of the member nations, the annual powwow had difficulty reaching consensus on major international security issues and resolving economic problems.

The Taiwan Factor in the Vote on PNTR for China and its WTO Accession By Nancy Bernkopf Tucker
(NBR Analysis: Vol. 11, No. 2, July 2000) The United States Congress is on the verge of a crucial vote that could confer permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) to China. A positive outcome would both end the struggle conducted in Washington each spring since 1990 over China’s trade privileges and insure that American business has full access to the commercial package that China is negotiating with the members of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

The Impact of WTO/PNTR on Chinese Politics By Joseph Fewsmith
(NBR Analysis: Vol. 11, No. 2, July 2000) Those opposed to PNTR are afraid that the United States will surrender its leverage and that therefore reform in China will slow. This study finds the opposite to be the case. The politics of U.S.-China relations and reform are examined at three levels: elite policymakers, intellectual "opinion makers," and the broader, mostly urban, public opinion.

Offshore Tactics Are Out of Bounds By Chung Chien
(Taipei Times, July 22, 2000) President Chen Shui-bian has reiterated his military concept of "fully engaging the enemy outside Taiwan's territory," which he first revealed during the presidential election campaign. This has generated heated debate between the ruling and opposition parties here, frantic criticism from Beijing, and worries in the US. It has also forced Taiwan's top military brass to smooth things over.

The U.S. Response to China’s Increasing Military Power: Eleven Assumptions in Search of a Policy By June Teufel Dreye
(House Armed Services Committee Hearings, July 19, 2000) The administration has sought to deny or minimize the import of indications that the government of the People’s Republic of China is making steady advances in the modernization of its military and regards the United States as its enemy.

Secret Envoy Story Called a China Ploy
(Taipei Times, July 21, 2000) Revelations that secret envoys from both sides held meetings prior to the first cross-strait talks in 1993 will further narrow the new government's maneuvering room with China, political analysts said. With the focus now on secret envoys it could be increasingly difficult for the two governments to work out details for future negotiations, like the pre-arranged Koo-Wang talks in 1993, analysts said.

Historic 1993 China, Taiwan Talks Took Five Years of Groundwork
(AFP, July 19, 2000) Emissaries from Taiwan and China admitted Wednesday to having held a lengthy series of secret talks in the run-up to a landmark dialogue between the arch rivals in 1993. The participants admitted to meeting a number of times in Hong Kong and elsewhere between 1988-1992, a period during which Taiwan and China still had no official contact. Those involved had always previously denied taking part in any preparatory discussions.

China Is Keeping Up Its Nuclear and Missile Aid to Pakistan By Brahma Chellaney
(International Herald Tribune, July 18, 2000) The latest failed effort by the United States to persuade China to halt its clandestine nuclear and missile assistance to Pakistan is another warning to India that it needs to develop a larger strategic plan to counter Beijing's containment policy. More broadly, it shows that China values its proliferation as an indispensable component of balance-of-power politics.

The Enemy With No Name By Melinda Liu
(Newsweek International, July 24, 2000) It wasn’t entirely a warm welcome. As U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen kicked off his China trip last week, a headline in the state-run China Daily screamed, U.S. a threat to world peace.

China Demonizes
(Editorial, Washington Post, July 17, 2000) American critics of China's human rights record and belligerence toward Taiwan are sometimes admonished to tone down their rhetoric; it's counterproductive to "demonize" the People's Republic, many supporters of engagement say.

Wait for Beijing's Next Move
(Editorial, Taipei Times, July 16, 2000) Policy-wise, Taiwan's political parties do not differ much. But parties with blurry personalities aside, the Democratic Progressive Party stands out in one regard -- a party platform that advocates a public referendum on Taiwan's independence.

Coming of Age and Coming Out: Shifts in the Geopolitical Landscape By Ralph A. Cossa
(Comparative Connections, Pacific Forum, CSIS, July 2000) The geopolitical landscape in Asia has changed dramatically and permanently in the past quarter, largely as a result of two landmark events--the coming of age of Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party and the coming out of North Korea’s reclusive supreme leader, Kim Jong-il.

Groping for a Formula for Cross-Strait Talks By David Brown
(Comparative Connections, Pacific Forum, CSIS, July 2000) The tensions that followed Chen Shui-bian's election in March have eased. Since President Chen's remarkably conciliatory comments on cross-Strait relations in his inaugural address, both Taipei and Beijing appear to be groping, thus far unsuccessfully, for a formula for reopening talks.

US Expert Urges Taipei, Beijing to Be Flexible
(CNA, July 10, 2000) David Lampton, director of Chinese Studies at the Nixon Center, a US think tank, said flexibility is particularly important as the Beijing leadership prepares for its annual policy meeting at Beidaihe later this month. As a way to restart dialogue with Beijing, Lampton recommended that Republic of China President Chen say Taipei is willing "to resume dialogue based on the spirit of the 1992 consensus."

A Counterproductive Approach to China By Thomas J. Donohue
(Washington Post, July 10, 2000) Americans should be particularly concerned about the proposed China Nonproliferation Act (S. 2645) sponsored by Sens. Fred Thompson (R-Tenn.) and Robert Torricelli (D-N.J.). The Thompson-Torricelli bill would trigger elaborate and counterproductive unilateral sanctions against the Chinese government and any person, company or group operating in China when there is credible information that they are violating nonproliferation agreements or U.S. export laws.

How the Die was Cast Against Taiwan By Sheng Lijun
(Straits Times, July 9, 2000) When Presidents Chiang Kai-shek and Chiang Ching-kuo were in power in Taiwan from 1949 to 1987, Beijing never suspected them of seeking Taiwan's independence. Chairman Mao Zedong knew his old rival Chiang Kai-shek too well to think he wanted independence. In his view, the latter's resistance to the mainland was ""because he is unwilling to confess being defeated''.

China Remains Its Own Worst Enemy By Tom Plate
(LA Times, July 5, 2000) Fear of cultural and technological openness will keep Beijing from fully participating in globalization. China is not going to get very far trying to harness the Internet or by slapping irreverent artists around in public. If its leaders wish to achieve their goal of economic modernization, they must tame their antiquated censoriousness and control-freak instincts.